Letters: Why is the gun still pointed at us?
Sat, 03/27/2010 12:41 PM | Opinion
This is a response to Riem Hemmat's comment (the Post, March 15). I bet you have never lived in West Papua, have you? Or never walked in West Papuans' shoes.
Your argument, to some extent, might be true, but my questions are, if West Papuans were part of Indonesia, why did the West Papuans never share the same history as other Indonesians? Why, since integration in 1963, has the central government kept sending additional troops to West Papua? As you said, there were no bombings or attacks, as in Aceh in the past.
I was brought up as the product of a Javanese and a Papuan and have lived in West Papua for more than 25 years and, for me, for whatever reasons, the central government has mismanaged the issue of West Papua, and it's not right.
If we are part of Indonesia, treat us fairly, by using such elegant manners called diplomacy and dialog, but the truth remains the same, the gun and military operations are the choices employed. If the central government wants to improve things, give access to humanitarian aid for West Papua; give access to international journalists to report on the situation. The fact is the government is too afraid that people will tell the bitter story.
Anyway, you have to spend many years in Papua and live in two cultures to have a better understanding of West Papua's issues. West Papuans definitely have a different history, you should bear in mind that we were never involved in any prominent historical moment of Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) nor share the same "nationalism".
If we are Indonesians, why is the gun still pointing at us? If we are Indonesians, why is the stereotypical label when we are in other parts of Indonesia so derogative?
As to your comments about the Indonesian language, you should learn the history of language planning in Indonesia and look at case studies in Laos for comparison, and the role of politics in setting up the language for different ethnicities and forcing people to use that language.
Before integration, several tribes in northern part of West Papua and in some parts of southern Papua traded with Mollucans, and they spoke bazaar Malay. In fact, the way West Papuans speak is a kind of Creole language, and influenced mostly by the Ambon Malay, Portuguese, Dutch and tribal languages (similar to the way the indigenous Australians speak kriol) it's a result of contacts over centuries. My question for you is, if people speak English (comparing it to your West Papuan case of speaking Indonesia), let's say in India, Singapore, the United States, the Philippines and other countries which consider English as the official language or second language, can we consider them as "English people"?
Dayanara Meimosaki
Canberra
Tuesday 30 March 2010
Wednesday 3 March 2010
Future of AIDS gels may lie in drugs, experts say
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The quest for a cream or gel to prevent AIDS infection has narrowed to using powerful HIV pills that are already on the market, scientists say.
Health
AIDS experts have long been searching for a microbicide -- a cream, gel or vaginal ring that women or men could use as a chemical shield to protect themselves from sexual transmission of the deadly and incurable virus.
Several substances have been tried unsuccessfully but experiments presented this week at the Conference on Retroviruses and Opportunistic Infections, a scientific meeting of AIDS experts, suggested HIV drugs might hold the key to making such gels work.
"The next wave of compounds is all going to be based on antiretroviral drugs," Dr. John Moore of Weill Cornell Medical College in New York told reporters.
Moore's team tested Pfizer's new drug maraviroc, sold under the brand name Selzentry. It is in a new class of drugs called CCR5 entry inhibitors, designed to stop the human immunodeficiency virus from getting into human cells using a type of cellular doorway or receptor named CCR5.
"The CCR5 inhibitors are compelling candidates as an alternative because these drugs are not being used for treatment in, for example, Africa," Moore said.
That means there is less risk of resistance developing -- when viruses evolve to get around the effects of drugs.
Moore's team took a unique approach to formulating their experimental microbicide using Selzentry.
"We found a friendly physician, scrounged a tablet, ground it up," Moore said. "I assure you it actually works very well," he told the San Francisco meeting.
Tests in monkeys showed it would protect a female from sexual transmission for about four hours. "You couldn't apply these gels in the morning and have protection in the evening," Moore said.
A vaginal ring with a time-release formula may work better for longer-term protection, Moore said.
The approach is affordable, he said. "A single maraviroc tablet, about 300 mg, retailing for about $15 on the Internet, contains enough drug to fully protect around 15 macaques. That is broadly going to be applicable to women."
Laura Guay of the Elizabeth Glaser Pediatric AIDS Foundation said the approach sounds reasonable. Her group supports the development of microbicides to protect women and by extension their children.
"The hope is by putting antiretrovirals into the microbicide, you can prevent the virus from either entering or replicating," she said in a telephone interview.
Last year researchers found Gilead Sciences Inc.'s drug Truvada also might work as a microbicide. But a gel made by Massachusetts-based Indevus Pharmaceuticals that did not include an HIV drug failed in human trials.
The AIDS virus, which infects 33 million people globally and has killed 25 million, is mostly passed sexually. In Africa women account for more new cases than men and are often infected by their husbands.
Abstinence and condom use are not options for women trying to have children, but a microbicide would be. Microbicides using HIV drugs would represent a large new market for the companies that make the drugs, which are currently now used only to treat infection.
(Editing by Alan Elsner)
Health
Health
AIDS experts have long been searching for a microbicide -- a cream, gel or vaginal ring that women or men could use as a chemical shield to protect themselves from sexual transmission of the deadly and incurable virus.
Several substances have been tried unsuccessfully but experiments presented this week at the Conference on Retroviruses and Opportunistic Infections, a scientific meeting of AIDS experts, suggested HIV drugs might hold the key to making such gels work.
"The next wave of compounds is all going to be based on antiretroviral drugs," Dr. John Moore of Weill Cornell Medical College in New York told reporters.
Moore's team tested Pfizer's new drug maraviroc, sold under the brand name Selzentry. It is in a new class of drugs called CCR5 entry inhibitors, designed to stop the human immunodeficiency virus from getting into human cells using a type of cellular doorway or receptor named CCR5.
"The CCR5 inhibitors are compelling candidates as an alternative because these drugs are not being used for treatment in, for example, Africa," Moore said.
That means there is less risk of resistance developing -- when viruses evolve to get around the effects of drugs.
Moore's team took a unique approach to formulating their experimental microbicide using Selzentry.
"We found a friendly physician, scrounged a tablet, ground it up," Moore said. "I assure you it actually works very well," he told the San Francisco meeting.
Tests in monkeys showed it would protect a female from sexual transmission for about four hours. "You couldn't apply these gels in the morning and have protection in the evening," Moore said.
A vaginal ring with a time-release formula may work better for longer-term protection, Moore said.
The approach is affordable, he said. "A single maraviroc tablet, about 300 mg, retailing for about $15 on the Internet, contains enough drug to fully protect around 15 macaques. That is broadly going to be applicable to women."
Laura Guay of the Elizabeth Glaser Pediatric AIDS Foundation said the approach sounds reasonable. Her group supports the development of microbicides to protect women and by extension their children.
"The hope is by putting antiretrovirals into the microbicide, you can prevent the virus from either entering or replicating," she said in a telephone interview.
Last year researchers found Gilead Sciences Inc.'s drug Truvada also might work as a microbicide. But a gel made by Massachusetts-based Indevus Pharmaceuticals that did not include an HIV drug failed in human trials.
The AIDS virus, which infects 33 million people globally and has killed 25 million, is mostly passed sexually. In Africa women account for more new cases than men and are often infected by their husbands.
Abstinence and condom use are not options for women trying to have children, but a microbicide would be. Microbicides using HIV drugs would represent a large new market for the companies that make the drugs, which are currently now used only to treat infection.
(Editing by Alan Elsner)
Health
Obama, the Dalai Lama and Indonesia
The Dalai Lama said US President Barack Obama was “supportive” in a meeting that drew angry protests from China. (AFP Photo/Tim Sloan)
In meeting with the Dalai Lama last week, Barack Obama sent a message of hope to oppressed people around the globe. But what does the encounter mean for Indonesia?
The message: In the name of human rights protection, undemocratic regimes must realize that America stands up for victims of oppression.
Indeed, Obama’s White House seems to have emphasized human rights protection over possible strategies for decreasing the country’s huge trade deficit with China. The red carpet that Obama rolled out for Tibet’s spiritual leader, a man Beijing sees as a dissident worthy of punishment, has surely increased the tension in already strained Sino-United States relations.
Beijing now has an additional excuse to continue its rejection of Obama’s call to strengthen the yuan. The US trade deficit is likely to continue to increase. Even in the absence of a stern counterattack from China over the Dalai Lama’s visit, pressure would continue to mount in the United States’ trade and business dealings with the Asian giant.
The message sent to Beijing over the visit flies in the face of China’s sense of sovereignty and territorial integrity. For China, Tibet — like Taiwan — is a province and an integral part of the nation.
Even the Tibetan leader has proposed what he calls a “middle road” approach, which Washington has endorsed, for “greater cultural identity and human rights.” But such a strategy will not likely satisfy Beijing.
Though Beijing will probably not retaliate strongly against Obama’s diplomatic flirtation with the Dalai Lama, a lack of strategic support for America could be devastating. The US is concerned about China’s potential resistance to efforts to limit Iran’s nuclear program, particularly in light of Beijing’s warming ties with Tehran over the last decade.
Obama told Senate Democrats a day before receiving the Tibetan leader that to continue “putting constant pressure on China and other countries to open up their markets,” he needs to meet separatist leaders.
A similar strategy here would be counterproductive for Washington’s relations with Jakarta. In fact, I can’t imagine he would want to spoil his nostalgic visit with such misguided signals. Indonesian political leaders do not expect Obama to meet separatist leaders during his March trip to Jakarta, though he may raise the need for “preserving the cultural identity” of Papua — which hosts the massive mining operation of US copper and gold giant Freeport — during his meeting with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
But the era of pressuring Indonesia on Papua or other issues has passed. The world’s third largest democracy needs a more balanced relationship with the superpower. Obama and Yudhoyono could write a new chapter under an equal partnership. Indonesia is quite a different country than it was during the four years he lived in Jakarta from 1968 1971.
According to Nasir Tamara, author of “Indonesia Rising,” China and India have been given higher priority in Indonesia’s foreign policy, while efforts have been made to foster close relations with Islamic energy-producing countries. Asean is no longer a high priority, while political and defense relations with Russia have also improved.
During a 2005 speech in Washington, Yudhoyono declared that “Indonesia is now an outward-looking country, very much eager to shape the regional and international order and intent on having our voice heard.”
US relations with Indonesia improved significantly after the December 2004 tsunami, after which extensive American aid poured in, with one-third of US households reportedly donating to tsunami relief.
Bilateral relations also warmed when Washington lifted an embargo on military equipment and resumed training for Indonesian Military officers in the United States, despite many Indonesians’ hostility toward former President George W Bush.
The US also supported Indonesia’s bid to become a nonpermanent member of the UN Security Council, and Indonesia gladly took on a role as bridge between the US and the Muslim world.
Obama has yet to reveal what concrete actions might boost Americans’ perception of and attitude toward the Muslim world. The US needs to listen to Indonesian Muslim leaders’ concerns about terrorism and the war against it. Obama’s spectacular Cairo speech set the tone for better relations with the Muslim world, but this needs to be substantiated during his visit to Indonesia. It is not just Obama who needs to embrace Indonesia; the rest of America must do the same.
Indonesia needs to put its own house in order if it wants more attention from the US. This nation’s lack of legal certainty is a key problem, and its protection of civil rights for minority groups is far from satisfactory.
President Obama has stood up for human rights in other contexts, so we should urge him also to address infringements or violations of rights against minority groups here.
Given that his meeting with the spiritual leader of Tibet risked straining Sino-US relations, Obama can certainly afford to meet with leaders of minority religions here in Indonesia with little diplomatic fallout.
Most people here hope that because Obama once lived in Jakarta and grew up with an Indonesian stepfather, he might help Indonesia more than his predecessors. This remains to be seen. But at the end of the day, if Indonesia fails to capitalize on Obama’s unprecedented trip, only Indonesians will be to blame.
Indonesian politicians must be reminded that this opportunity is too dear to squander. Politicians distracted by dirty tricks in the Bank Century case must put aside petty politics and take full advantage of next month’s visit.
Pitan Daslani is executive chief editor of Campus Asia magazine. He can be reached at pitandaslani@gmail.com.
In meeting with the Dalai Lama last week, Barack Obama sent a message of hope to oppressed people around the globe. But what does the encounter mean for Indonesia?
The message: In the name of human rights protection, undemocratic regimes must realize that America stands up for victims of oppression.
Indeed, Obama’s White House seems to have emphasized human rights protection over possible strategies for decreasing the country’s huge trade deficit with China. The red carpet that Obama rolled out for Tibet’s spiritual leader, a man Beijing sees as a dissident worthy of punishment, has surely increased the tension in already strained Sino-United States relations.
Beijing now has an additional excuse to continue its rejection of Obama’s call to strengthen the yuan. The US trade deficit is likely to continue to increase. Even in the absence of a stern counterattack from China over the Dalai Lama’s visit, pressure would continue to mount in the United States’ trade and business dealings with the Asian giant.
The message sent to Beijing over the visit flies in the face of China’s sense of sovereignty and territorial integrity. For China, Tibet — like Taiwan — is a province and an integral part of the nation.
Even the Tibetan leader has proposed what he calls a “middle road” approach, which Washington has endorsed, for “greater cultural identity and human rights.” But such a strategy will not likely satisfy Beijing.
Though Beijing will probably not retaliate strongly against Obama’s diplomatic flirtation with the Dalai Lama, a lack of strategic support for America could be devastating. The US is concerned about China’s potential resistance to efforts to limit Iran’s nuclear program, particularly in light of Beijing’s warming ties with Tehran over the last decade.
Obama told Senate Democrats a day before receiving the Tibetan leader that to continue “putting constant pressure on China and other countries to open up their markets,” he needs to meet separatist leaders.
A similar strategy here would be counterproductive for Washington’s relations with Jakarta. In fact, I can’t imagine he would want to spoil his nostalgic visit with such misguided signals. Indonesian political leaders do not expect Obama to meet separatist leaders during his March trip to Jakarta, though he may raise the need for “preserving the cultural identity” of Papua — which hosts the massive mining operation of US copper and gold giant Freeport — during his meeting with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
But the era of pressuring Indonesia on Papua or other issues has passed. The world’s third largest democracy needs a more balanced relationship with the superpower. Obama and Yudhoyono could write a new chapter under an equal partnership. Indonesia is quite a different country than it was during the four years he lived in Jakarta from 1968 1971.
According to Nasir Tamara, author of “Indonesia Rising,” China and India have been given higher priority in Indonesia’s foreign policy, while efforts have been made to foster close relations with Islamic energy-producing countries. Asean is no longer a high priority, while political and defense relations with Russia have also improved.
During a 2005 speech in Washington, Yudhoyono declared that “Indonesia is now an outward-looking country, very much eager to shape the regional and international order and intent on having our voice heard.”
US relations with Indonesia improved significantly after the December 2004 tsunami, after which extensive American aid poured in, with one-third of US households reportedly donating to tsunami relief.
Bilateral relations also warmed when Washington lifted an embargo on military equipment and resumed training for Indonesian Military officers in the United States, despite many Indonesians’ hostility toward former President George W Bush.
The US also supported Indonesia’s bid to become a nonpermanent member of the UN Security Council, and Indonesia gladly took on a role as bridge between the US and the Muslim world.
Obama has yet to reveal what concrete actions might boost Americans’ perception of and attitude toward the Muslim world. The US needs to listen to Indonesian Muslim leaders’ concerns about terrorism and the war against it. Obama’s spectacular Cairo speech set the tone for better relations with the Muslim world, but this needs to be substantiated during his visit to Indonesia. It is not just Obama who needs to embrace Indonesia; the rest of America must do the same.
Indonesia needs to put its own house in order if it wants more attention from the US. This nation’s lack of legal certainty is a key problem, and its protection of civil rights for minority groups is far from satisfactory.
President Obama has stood up for human rights in other contexts, so we should urge him also to address infringements or violations of rights against minority groups here.
Given that his meeting with the spiritual leader of Tibet risked straining Sino-US relations, Obama can certainly afford to meet with leaders of minority religions here in Indonesia with little diplomatic fallout.
Most people here hope that because Obama once lived in Jakarta and grew up with an Indonesian stepfather, he might help Indonesia more than his predecessors. This remains to be seen. But at the end of the day, if Indonesia fails to capitalize on Obama’s unprecedented trip, only Indonesians will be to blame.
Indonesian politicians must be reminded that this opportunity is too dear to squander. Politicians distracted by dirty tricks in the Bank Century case must put aside petty politics and take full advantage of next month’s visit.
Pitan Daslani is executive chief editor of Campus Asia magazine. He can be reached at pitandaslani@gmail.com.
Get maids from Papua New Guinea, Myanmar, Timor Leste - papa
News 2010-02-22 16:54
KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 22 (Bernama) -- The Malaysian Association of Foreign Maid Agencies (Papa) has urged the government to consider recruiting maids from Papua New Guinea, Myanmar and Timor Leste.
Its president, Alwi Bavutty said this would ease the dependence on maids from Indonesia, Cambodia and the Philippines.
"We are submitting this proposal to the Human Resources Ministry due to high demand for maids," he told Bernama when contacted today.
He was commenting on Human Resources Minister Datuk Dr S.Subramaniam's statement that Malaysia and Indonesia were currently in talks to find a "middle path" in resolving the outstanding Indonesian maids salary issue after their previous discussions ended in a deadlock.
Alwi said made agencies were allowed to recruit maids form Cambodia and the Philippines following the freeze on maid intake by the Indonesian government since the middle of last year.
Alwi said however, Muslims were barred from employing non-Muslim maids from the two countries.
Supporting the government's stand that maids salary should be based on market forces as well as negotiations between employers and employees, he said it should be a win-win situation for both parties.
"Maids are getting at least RM500 a month. If their work is excellent, employers should raise their pay. Their qualifications should also be taken into consideration," he added.
Meanwhile, Bocehe Dewe Association, an association made up of 32,000 Indonesian workers, supported a condition imposed by the ministry that all new maids and their respective employers must attend a seminar meant to educate them on their rights and responsibilities.
Its chairman, Ambar Setiowibowo said Malaysia and Indonesia should iron out perennial issues like minimum wage, maid abuse and transgression of rules and conditions by employers.
"As we have not agreed on minimum wage, there should be an understanding between employers and maids on a reasonable wage and maids, who performed well, should be rewarded with an increment," he added. (By Syed Azwan Syed Ali/ Bernama)
KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 22 (Bernama) -- The Malaysian Association of Foreign Maid Agencies (Papa) has urged the government to consider recruiting maids from Papua New Guinea, Myanmar and Timor Leste.
Its president, Alwi Bavutty said this would ease the dependence on maids from Indonesia, Cambodia and the Philippines.
"We are submitting this proposal to the Human Resources Ministry due to high demand for maids," he told Bernama when contacted today.
He was commenting on Human Resources Minister Datuk Dr S.Subramaniam's statement that Malaysia and Indonesia were currently in talks to find a "middle path" in resolving the outstanding Indonesian maids salary issue after their previous discussions ended in a deadlock.
Alwi said made agencies were allowed to recruit maids form Cambodia and the Philippines following the freeze on maid intake by the Indonesian government since the middle of last year.
Alwi said however, Muslims were barred from employing non-Muslim maids from the two countries.
Supporting the government's stand that maids salary should be based on market forces as well as negotiations between employers and employees, he said it should be a win-win situation for both parties.
"Maids are getting at least RM500 a month. If their work is excellent, employers should raise their pay. Their qualifications should also be taken into consideration," he added.
Meanwhile, Bocehe Dewe Association, an association made up of 32,000 Indonesian workers, supported a condition imposed by the ministry that all new maids and their respective employers must attend a seminar meant to educate them on their rights and responsibilities.
Its chairman, Ambar Setiowibowo said Malaysia and Indonesia should iron out perennial issues like minimum wage, maid abuse and transgression of rules and conditions by employers.
"As we have not agreed on minimum wage, there should be an understanding between employers and maids on a reasonable wage and maids, who performed well, should be rewarded with an increment," he added. (By Syed Azwan Syed Ali/ Bernama)
Obama Has the Power to Help Papua, the ‘Weak Man’ Under Indonesian Rule
by Andreas Harsono, Indonesia consultant for Human Rights Watch
Published in: The Jakarta Globe
February 21, 2010
In Jakarta in the late 1960s, a young Barack Obama noticed his stepfather's great unease and silence about his one-year military service in New Guinea. Lolo Soetoro, his stepfather, did not like to talk about his time there. He did tell young Barack about how leeches got into his boots in New Guinea's jungles. "They crawled inside your army boots while you're hiking through the swamps. At night, when you take off your socks, they're stuck there, fat with blood. You sprinkle salt on them and they die, but you still have to dig them out with a hot knife." The leeches created a series of indented scars on Lolo's legs.
In his book "Dreams From My Father," Obama asked Lolo, "Have you ever seen a man killed?"
Lolo was surprised by the question.
"Have you?" Obama asked again.
"Yes."
"Was it bloody?"
"Yes."
Obama thought for a moment. "Why was the man killed?"
Lolo answered, "Because he was weak. That's usually enough. Men take advantage of weakness in other men. They're just like countries in that way. The strong man takes the weak man's land. He makes the weak man work in his field. If the weak man's woman is pretty, the strong man will take her." Lolo paused, then asked his young stepson, "Which would you rather be?"
Obama didn't answer the question.
Lolo finally remarked, "Better to be strong."
Philosophers around the world could devote volumes to that simple question. But as Obama prepares to visit Indonesia in March, some facts are worth pondering.
Fact No. 1: Barack Obama, the little boy who used to live in Jakarta, is one of the most powerful men in the world. Obama now lives in the White House, not the little house in Menteng. And he is going to revisit the home of his youth to sign a "strategic partnership" with Indonesia.
Fact No. 2: New Guinea is now called Papua. Its western part is legally a part of Indonesia since the controversial UN-approved Act of Free Choice in 1969, in which 1,054 Papuans, hand-picked by Jakarta, voted unanimously to join Indonesia. Papua, to use Lolo's words, is still the weak man under Indonesian rule.
Human rights abuses by Indonesian security forces remain common. Peaceful protesters continue to receive long prison sentences. Papua is off-limits to most independent outside observers. And it remains poor and underdeveloped, despite the fact that it has abundant natural resources, including natural gas, minerals and timber. Papua has the worst poverty in Indonesia, with more than 80 percent of households living below the poverty line. Papua has the biggest HIV problem in the country, with infection rates 15 times the national average.
Fact No. 3: Indonesia's president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, also has a close connection to Papua. Indonesia's military commander in Papua in the late 1960s was Brig. Gen. Sarwo Edhie Wibowo, who had previously led a bloody military campaign against Indonesian communists in Java. He would later become the father-in-law of a young Army captain named Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
The human rights situation in Papua remains poor. Human Rights Watch has for many years urged the Indonesian government to stop prosecuting peaceful Papuan protesters. We have asked the government to open Papua to international journalists, human rights researchers and other independent observers. If all is well in Papua, as the government claims, why do the Indonesian police and military require a surat jalan, or "walking permit," for any foreigner visiting Papua?
Since the 1970s, political tensions and abuses by the Indonesian security forces have helped create a climate of fear in Papua. This continues to the present. Impunity remains a huge problem. For example, in November 2001, the Indonesian Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) kidnapped and killed Papuan separatist leader Theys Eluay in Jayapura. The then-commander of Kopassus in Papua, Lt. Col. Hartomo, denied involvement in the murder. But international outrage prompted the Indonesian Military Police to investigate.
In 2003, a court in Surabaya found seven Kopassus soldiers and officers, including Lt. Col. Hartomo, guilty of mistreatment and battery leading to Eluay's death, but crucially not of murder. Sentences served by the seven ranged from two to three and a half years. But Hartomo was not discharged from the Army. Instead, he is now Col. Hartomo, the head of Kopassus Group 1 in Serang, just a three-hour drive from Jakarta.
More than 130 people are currently imprisoned throughout Indonesia for peaceful expression, particularly in Papua and the Moluccas. Some have been sentenced to lengthy prison terms, including Papuan activist Filep Karma, who is serving a 15-year sentence for raising the Papuan Morning Star flag in December 2004 in Jayapura. School teacher Johan Teterisa is serving 15 years for raising the Southern Moluccas Republic flag in June 2007 in Ambon.
For decades, the Indonesian authorities have treated the raising of the Morning Star and Southern Moluccas Republic flags as a crime because they are pro-independence symbols. Article 6 of Government Regulation No. 77/2007 prohibits the display of the Morning Star flag in Papua, as well as the South Maluku Republic flag in Ambon, and the Crescent Moon flag in Aceh. But these prosecutions and the laws violate internationally protected rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly codified in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Indonesia ratified in 2006.
As one who knows Indonesia, the long history of conflict in Papua, which impacted his stepfather, and how important basic freedoms are to the struggle of a minority for equality and access to political power, President Obama is the right man at the right time to ask the Indonesian government to release all prisoners who have peacefully exercised their rights to freedom of expression and assembly and to repeal laws that criminalize speech. He can explain how tolerance of dissent is fundamental to a democracy.
If Obama doesn't act on Papua, perhaps it will be because young Obama grew up in Jakarta, not in Papua. If he had, he would likely see the Papuan question from the point of view of the "weak man," of a victim. But if Obama does act, maybe then in Indonesia there will be a recognition that a strong man is one who assists the weak.
Kiai Carita10:24 AM February 22, 2010
Indonesia's Constitution states that "independence is the right of every nation" ...but sadly, not the nation of Papua! To uphold its dignity Indonesia should do much more to acknowledge human rights in Papua. This is a very courageous article from Andreas Harsono. Hope the Globe publishes more of his opinions! Stop colonialism in Papua NOW!
Published in: The Jakarta Globe
February 21, 2010
In Jakarta in the late 1960s, a young Barack Obama noticed his stepfather's great unease and silence about his one-year military service in New Guinea. Lolo Soetoro, his stepfather, did not like to talk about his time there. He did tell young Barack about how leeches got into his boots in New Guinea's jungles. "They crawled inside your army boots while you're hiking through the swamps. At night, when you take off your socks, they're stuck there, fat with blood. You sprinkle salt on them and they die, but you still have to dig them out with a hot knife." The leeches created a series of indented scars on Lolo's legs.
In his book "Dreams From My Father," Obama asked Lolo, "Have you ever seen a man killed?"
Lolo was surprised by the question.
"Have you?" Obama asked again.
"Yes."
"Was it bloody?"
"Yes."
Obama thought for a moment. "Why was the man killed?"
Lolo answered, "Because he was weak. That's usually enough. Men take advantage of weakness in other men. They're just like countries in that way. The strong man takes the weak man's land. He makes the weak man work in his field. If the weak man's woman is pretty, the strong man will take her." Lolo paused, then asked his young stepson, "Which would you rather be?"
Obama didn't answer the question.
Lolo finally remarked, "Better to be strong."
Philosophers around the world could devote volumes to that simple question. But as Obama prepares to visit Indonesia in March, some facts are worth pondering.
Fact No. 1: Barack Obama, the little boy who used to live in Jakarta, is one of the most powerful men in the world. Obama now lives in the White House, not the little house in Menteng. And he is going to revisit the home of his youth to sign a "strategic partnership" with Indonesia.
Fact No. 2: New Guinea is now called Papua. Its western part is legally a part of Indonesia since the controversial UN-approved Act of Free Choice in 1969, in which 1,054 Papuans, hand-picked by Jakarta, voted unanimously to join Indonesia. Papua, to use Lolo's words, is still the weak man under Indonesian rule.
Human rights abuses by Indonesian security forces remain common. Peaceful protesters continue to receive long prison sentences. Papua is off-limits to most independent outside observers. And it remains poor and underdeveloped, despite the fact that it has abundant natural resources, including natural gas, minerals and timber. Papua has the worst poverty in Indonesia, with more than 80 percent of households living below the poverty line. Papua has the biggest HIV problem in the country, with infection rates 15 times the national average.
Fact No. 3: Indonesia's president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, also has a close connection to Papua. Indonesia's military commander in Papua in the late 1960s was Brig. Gen. Sarwo Edhie Wibowo, who had previously led a bloody military campaign against Indonesian communists in Java. He would later become the father-in-law of a young Army captain named Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
The human rights situation in Papua remains poor. Human Rights Watch has for many years urged the Indonesian government to stop prosecuting peaceful Papuan protesters. We have asked the government to open Papua to international journalists, human rights researchers and other independent observers. If all is well in Papua, as the government claims, why do the Indonesian police and military require a surat jalan, or "walking permit," for any foreigner visiting Papua?
Since the 1970s, political tensions and abuses by the Indonesian security forces have helped create a climate of fear in Papua. This continues to the present. Impunity remains a huge problem. For example, in November 2001, the Indonesian Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) kidnapped and killed Papuan separatist leader Theys Eluay in Jayapura. The then-commander of Kopassus in Papua, Lt. Col. Hartomo, denied involvement in the murder. But international outrage prompted the Indonesian Military Police to investigate.
In 2003, a court in Surabaya found seven Kopassus soldiers and officers, including Lt. Col. Hartomo, guilty of mistreatment and battery leading to Eluay's death, but crucially not of murder. Sentences served by the seven ranged from two to three and a half years. But Hartomo was not discharged from the Army. Instead, he is now Col. Hartomo, the head of Kopassus Group 1 in Serang, just a three-hour drive from Jakarta.
More than 130 people are currently imprisoned throughout Indonesia for peaceful expression, particularly in Papua and the Moluccas. Some have been sentenced to lengthy prison terms, including Papuan activist Filep Karma, who is serving a 15-year sentence for raising the Papuan Morning Star flag in December 2004 in Jayapura. School teacher Johan Teterisa is serving 15 years for raising the Southern Moluccas Republic flag in June 2007 in Ambon.
For decades, the Indonesian authorities have treated the raising of the Morning Star and Southern Moluccas Republic flags as a crime because they are pro-independence symbols. Article 6 of Government Regulation No. 77/2007 prohibits the display of the Morning Star flag in Papua, as well as the South Maluku Republic flag in Ambon, and the Crescent Moon flag in Aceh. But these prosecutions and the laws violate internationally protected rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly codified in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Indonesia ratified in 2006.
As one who knows Indonesia, the long history of conflict in Papua, which impacted his stepfather, and how important basic freedoms are to the struggle of a minority for equality and access to political power, President Obama is the right man at the right time to ask the Indonesian government to release all prisoners who have peacefully exercised their rights to freedom of expression and assembly and to repeal laws that criminalize speech. He can explain how tolerance of dissent is fundamental to a democracy.
If Obama doesn't act on Papua, perhaps it will be because young Obama grew up in Jakarta, not in Papua. If he had, he would likely see the Papuan question from the point of view of the "weak man," of a victim. But if Obama does act, maybe then in Indonesia there will be a recognition that a strong man is one who assists the weak.
Kiai Carita10:24 AM February 22, 2010
Indonesia's Constitution states that "independence is the right of every nation" ...but sadly, not the nation of Papua! To uphold its dignity Indonesia should do much more to acknowledge human rights in Papua. This is a very courageous article from Andreas Harsono. Hope the Globe publishes more of his opinions! Stop colonialism in Papua NOW!
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